The Egyptian military is learning a dangerous political truth: A
revolution unfinished turns bitter and its heroes can be quickly recast
as villains.
Soldiers were swooned over two months ago when they rolled into
But the allure of the long-revered military has faded as the generals
running the country face accusations they are threatening the dreams of
a new democracy by cracking down on dissent and failing to bring former
government officials to justice.
The so-called Arab Spring has settled into a blur of troubling developments in
Army doctors forcing detained female protesters to take virginity
tests. Labor strikes and sit-ins banned. Dozens of demonstrators
missing. A protester dead and 71 injured during an army raid Saturday.
Mubarak unpunished and unrepentant while under house arrest in a
“They’re playing a dirty game,” said
an activist and youth movement leader. “It’s our revolution. Yes, the
military helped us achieve it. But it’s ours and that spirit is coming
back. The period of truce between us and the army is over.”
The deadly raid Saturday to disperse demonstrators in
was the most pointed indication yet of deepening distrust between the
military and the public. The army called protesters agitators.
Demonstrators hung in effigy Field Marshal
“We’ve given the army time, but they haven’t fulfilled our wishes,” said
sitting with a rolled flag and a sweaty face at the edge of a protest
in Tahrir last week. “We need to pressure the military to get rid of
the remnants of the old regime so there can be no counterrevolution. We
don’t want the generals ruling from behind anymore.”
The military is also encountering pressure from
current and former junior officers who have joined the protests and
posted YouTube videos accusing the army of protecting former government
officials and abandoning the ideals of the revolution. Progressive
officers have criticized the 75-year-old Tantawi and the old guard as
too inflexible to meet the demands of a changing
“The military is concerned and worried about officers dissenting from within,” said
an analyst and former military officer. “Any divisions from within the
military establishment might result in a military coup that would sweep
away the legitimacy of our civilian revolution.”
Yet, for many Egyptians, the military remains the
country’s most hallowed institution. It has been the protector of
national pride and a counterbalance for years to Mubarak’s reviled
police state. It was strong when the civil state faltered. During a
bread shortage in 2008, military bakeries supplied millions of loaves
to a worried public. And in recent weeks it has taken steps toward
democracy, even as it clings to its traditionally authoritarian nature.
Since Mubarak left office after more than three
decades, the army has set parliamentary elections, arrested members of
the former Cabinet, removed a number of state governors and summoned
Mubarak and his sons for questioning over corruption allegations and
other charges. The generals have also struggled to revive an economy
that lost billions of dollars from tourism and other businesses hurt by
the weeks of upheaval early this year.
“We call on all the revolution’s conscious youth to cooperate with us and with the silent majority of Egyptians,” said Gen.
a member of the ruling council. “We stress that we guarantee fulfilling
all the revolution’s legitimate demands. We won’t deceive you. We won’t
fool you and you won’t one day regret that the military forces stood by
your side.”
Despite everything, said analyst Hassan, “the military council has made a number of good achievements since taking power.”
But thousands of demonstrators are no longer convinced. Since the revolution began
about 4,000 protesters have been arrested. About 1,500 of those have
been sentenced from six months to five years in prison on charges
including spreading false information and assaulting soldiers and
police. Fifty-five protesters remain missing and human rights groups
have accused the military of torture and illegal detentions.
Among the most troubling cases was the three-year
prison sentence received Monday by blogger Maikel Nabil Sanad for
insulting the military. The army has long been sensitive about its
image and draconian about rebutting criticism. The independent news
media were allowed a certain leeway in skewering Mubarak’s presidency.
But the generals tolerated no caricature or analysis; even today, with
seemingly more media freedom, most journalist and writers do not
scrutinize the army.
“In truth, until now the revolution was achieved by
getting rid of the dictator (Mubarak), but dictatorship is still
present,” wrote Nabil, who was arrested
will set out in this post signs and the evidence which prove that
throughout the revolution the army were not once on the people’s side
and that the army’s conduct was deceitful all along and it was
protecting interests.”
Such cases indicate the military’s stature could
further dissipate. The revolution has dramatically changed the nation’s
political dynamics by giving voice and confidence to a population that
for decades lived in fear. The army is in jeopardy of facing unrest
amid high poverty, limited opportunity and fears by many that Mubarak
and his inner circle will escape justice.
The public’s emboldened sense of entitlement has
irritated an institution that prefers the scrim of secrecy to the
echoes of daily protests or listening to the aspirations of
organizations ranging from the conservative Muslim Brotherhood to
secular leftists.
Further crackdowns could arise as generals seek to
protect an array of their interests, including a vast business network
of olive oil, construction and other firms run by current and former
officers. There is also concern that a new civilian government would
diminish the military’s power.
Men with gold stars and epaulets have held sway in
in the upcoming presidential election and could drastically alter the
politics in one of the U.S. government’s closest
The attitudes of prospective recruits have shifted
too. The passions of provincial young men seeking success in a uniform
have dimmed. A U.S. diplomatic cable says that “a military career is no
longer an attractive option for ambitious young people who aspire”
instead to join the new business elite.
The 2008 cable from the
recently made public by WikiLeaks, describes an Egyptian military of
“disgruntled mid-level officer corps harshly critical of a defense
minister (Tantawi) they perceive as incompetent and valuing loyalty
above skill in his subordinates.”
Defense minister Tantawi has become “increasingly
intolerant of intellectual freedom,” says another cable quoting an
embassy contact. “Tantawi has made it clear that the military … will
not tolerate independent thought within” its ranks.
“We’re trying to understand that the military is in
a tough situation since the revolution, but there is no justification
for torture or military trials,” said
executive director of the Arabic Network for Human Rights Information.
“They have the power, weapons and tribunals. We feel we have no rights
and we’re worried about where it’s heading.”
What is unfolding in the capital and across
is an atmosphere of brinkmanship between protesters and the military.
Both are on uncharted terrain. The protesters push. The army appears to
ignore. A provocative incident flares, such as Saturday’s shooting
death of a demonstrator. A day or two later, the army announces a
concession, as it did Sunday when news spread that Mubarak would be
questioned by the attorney general.
Both sides, at times, have angered the larger
public: the military for not moving more swiftly to install an elected
government and the protesters for pressing too many demands and
clogging up
“We learned from the revolution that there will be
no achievements without pressure,” said activist Abbas. “A half a
revolution is digging your own grave.”
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